Բաժանորդագրվեք Zarkerak.am-ի տելեգրամ ալիքին։
Hakob Vardanyan writes:
Today, I learned that, according to a decision by the Anti-Corruption Court, the territory of the Sil Plaza business center in central Yerevan will not be returned to the state. Since 2022, following criminal proceedings initiated based on an investigation by Hetq periodical, the Prosecutor’s Office has been demanding that administrative and anti-corruption courts annul contracts signed decades ago and return the Sil Plaza territory—owned by the Sukiasyan family—to the state.
This latest ruling by the Anti-Corruption Court once again confirms that Hetq is engaged in deception. After reviewing the court’s decision, I am even more convinced that Hetq harbors a particular hostility toward the Sukiasyan family, consistently making false and misleading accusations against them. But where does this animosity come from? Who is sponsoring this smear campaign against the Sukiasyans? Azerbaijan? Turkey? Or perhaps Armenia’s former corrupt leaders, Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharyan? Only Hetq knows the answer, and the people will draw their own conclusions.
But for now, I want to recall a significant episode: When the Sukiasyans were constructing the Sil Plaza business center, they used their own funds to purchase apartments in the area for families living in dilapidated houses, investing several million dollars in the 1990s. Moreover, this building is the only structure in Yerevan’s master plan—originally designed by architect Alexander Tamanyan—that truly aligns with the architectural style of the Republic Square area. It does not distort this historic corner of our capital. If we examine the surrounding buildings, we can easily see how disfigured this part of the city has become, with the skyscrapers of Northern Avenue and other unsightly constructions.
Instead of Sil Plaza, another flashy high-rise could have been built here—just as many were during Kocharyan’s era on Northern Avenue. But the Sukiasyans chose to preserve Yerevan’s architectural identity. Thanks to this family, the city retains a unique historical and cultural landmark with an elegant and harmonious appearance.
Now, let’s return to Hetq. Why, for example, does Hetq never investigate corruption cases involving certain former officials? The press has widely reported that Serzh Sargsyan’s son-in-law, known as Mishik, pocketed $20 million from the Yerevan Hotel deal and acquired $400 million worth of Armenian state property for next to nothing. Yet Hetq remains silent.
Why has Hetq never questioned the Prosecutor’s Office about the alleged corruption of former Artsakh Defense Minister Movses Hakobyan? Reports indicate that he sold a house to the Ministry of Defense of Artsakh, only to later buy it back for a fraction of the price, along with other questionable dealings. Hetq also remains silent about former Armenian Defense Minister Seyran Ohanyan, despite extensive media coverage of his controversial assets.
There are plenty of other examples of Hetq's selective silence. Armenia’s second and third presidents used the country’s tax and customs systems for their own personal gain. Has Hetq forgotten that only a handful of Serge and Robert’s associates were granted exclusive rights to import bananas, mobile phones, and other goods into Armenia—with the two presidents taking a direct cut of the profits?
Moreover, these corrupt former leaders facilitated the mass export of Armenian iron ore, lining their pockets with billions. Yet Hetq conveniently ignores these facts. The reason is clear: The fingerprints of Armenia’s former oligarchs can be seen all over Hetq. Their so-called investigative journalists work hard to conceal this, but their efforts have been in vain.
